아르바니트인

3. 역사

3. 1. 중세 이주

3. 2. 오스만 제국 시기

3. 3. 그리스 독립 전쟁

3. 4. 현대 그리스

4. 인구

아르바니테스의 인구 추정치는 시대별, 조사 기관별로 다양하다. 15세기 중반 베네치아 자료에 따르면 당시 펠로폰네소스 반도에 3만 명의 알바니아인이 살고 있었던 것으로 추정된다.^[45] 1460년부터 1463년까지의 오스만 제국 세금 장부에는 펠로폰네소스 반도의 알바니아인 가구는 4,672가구(41.63%), 미혼 남성은 463명(33.75%), 과부는 218명(27.95%)이었다.^[41] 19세기 중반, 요한 게오르크 폰 한은 그리스 전역의 아르바니테스 수를 173,000명에서 200,000명 사이로 추정했다.^[49] 조지 핀레이는 1861년 인구 조사에 따르면 그리스 전체 인구 약 110만 명 중 아르바니테스 수가 약 20만 명으로 추정했다.^[46] 1887년과 1889년 사이의 조사에 따르면, 펠로폰네소스 반도와 인접한 포로스, 히드라, 스페체스 3개 섬의 약 73만 명의 주민 중 아르바니테스는 90,253명으로 전체 인구의 12.3%를 차지했다.^[47][48]

1928년 그리스 인구 조사에서는 "알바니아어 사용" 시민이 18,773명,^[50] 1951년에는 22,736명으로 나타났다.^[51] 이후 아르바니테스 수에 대한 추정치는 25,000명에서 200,000명까지 다양하다.

아르바니테스는 주로 그리스 본토 남동부, 즉 아티카 (특히 동 아티카), 남부 보이오티아, 펠로폰네소스 반도 북동부, 에우보이아 섬 남부, 안드로스 섬 북부, 사로니코스 만의 여러 섬(살라미스, 히드라, 포로스, 아기스트리, 스페체스)에서 발견된다.^[52] 펠로폰네소스 반도의 다른 지역과 프티오티스에도 정착지가 있으며, 케아, 프사라, 아이기나, 키트노스, 스코펠로스, 이오스, 사모스 섬에도 정착했으나, 이후 그리스 인구에 동화되었다.^[53]

다른 그리스 인구와 마찬가지로 아르바니테스도 마을에서 아테네를 비롯한 도시로 이주해 왔으며, 이는 젊은 세대의 언어 상실에 기여했다.

5. 언어

아르바니티카는 알바니아어의 방언으로, 주로 다른 토스크 알바니아어 변종과 유사한 특징을 공유한다. '아르바니티카'라는 이름과 이에 상응하는 고유어인 아르베리슈트^[54]는 민족명 '아르바니테스'에서 유래되었으며, 이는 다시 오늘날 알바니아의 지역을 지칭했던 중세 시대의 지명인 아르베나(Άρβανα^el)에서 유래되었다.^[55] 이의 고유어(아르베로레, 아르베레셰 등)는 일반적으로 알바니아인들이 스스로를 지칭하는 명칭으로 사용되었다.

5. 1. 언어 사용 실태

5. 2. 언어 인식

5. 3. 언어 보존 노력

6. 사회와 문화

6. 1. 파라(Fara)

6. 2. 여성의 역할

6. 3. 전통 의상

6. 4. 아르바니테스 민요

7. 정체성과 관계

7. 1. 그리스인과의 관계

7. 2. 알바니아인과의 관계

8. 주요 인물

참조

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_[2] 논문 A phenomenological view of language shift
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_[4] 서적 Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity Cambridge University Press
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_[6] 문서
_[7] 논문 Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece
_[8] 문서
_[9] 서적 Wir sind die Deinen: Studien zur albanischen Sprache, Literatur und Kulturgeschichte, dem Gedenken an Martin Camaj (1925–1992) gewidmet [We are his people: Studies on the Albanian language, literature and cultural history, dedicated to the memory of Martin Camaj (1925–1992)] Otto Harrassowitz Verlag
_[10] 서적 Handbuch der Südosteuropa-Linguistik Otto Harrassowitz Verlag
_[11] 문서 History
_[11] 문서 Alexiad
_[12] 논문 The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community http://ejts.revues.o[...] European Journal of Turkish Studies
_[13] 문서
_[14] 문서
_[15] 문서
_[16] 웹사이트 Albanian, Tosk: A language of Albania http://www.ethnologu[...] Ethnologue
_[17] 웹사이트 Albanian, Arvanitika: A language of Greece http://www.ethnologu[...] Ethnologue
_[18] 서적 Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities https://books.google[...] Taylor & Francis 2017-03-06
_[19] 논문 Οι όροι 'Αλβανοί' και 'Αρβανίται' και η πρώτη μνεία του ομωνύμου λαού εις τας πηγάς του ΙΑ' αιώνος.
_[20] 문서
_[21] 서적 The Late Medieval Balkans: A critical survey from the late twelfth century to the Ottoman conquest University of Michigan Press
_[22] 서적 Ethnologia Balkanica https://books.google[...] Waxmann Verlag 2017-03-06
_[23] 서적 A Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present Day https://books.google[...] Stanford University Press 2017-03-06
_[24] 서적 Perspectives On Albania Springer 1992
_[25] 웹사이트 Texts and Documents of Albanian History http://albanianhisto[...] 2021-10-09
_[26] 서적 Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean After 1204 Routledge 2012
_[27] 논문 Splintered Medieval Hellenism : The Semi-Autonomous State of Thessaly (A.d. 1213/1222 to 1454/1470) and ITS Place in History http://www.jstor.org[...] 1998
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_[32] 서적 Mediaeval Greece https://books.google[...] Yale University Press 1981
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_[35] 서적 Ντρέδες: Στην πρώτη γραμμή της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας Militos
_[36] 간행물 First published in ''Ελληνισμός'', Athens 1899, 195–202. Quoted in Gkikas 1978:7–9.
_[37] 서적 Ντρέδες: Στην πρώτη γραμμή της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας Militos
_[38] 문서 Tsitsipis (1981), Botsi (2003).
_[39] 문서 GHM (1995), Trudgill/Tzavaras (1977). See also Tsitsipis (1981), Botsi (2003).
_[40] 문서 Gefou-Madianou, pp. 420–421. "Those speakers of Arvanitika who were living in or near the capital came under greater criticism since their presence allegedly embodied the infection that contaminated the purity of the ethnic heritage. Thus, some decades later, during the dictatorship of August 4, 1936, the communities of Arvanites suffered various forms of persecution at the hands of the authorities, though during the 1940s their position improved somewhat as their members helped other Greek soldiers and officers serving in the Albanian front. Later, during the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, especially during the years of the military junta (1967–74), their lot was undermined once more as the Greek language, and especially katharevousa during the junta, was actively and forcibly imposed by the government as the language of Greek nationality and identity."
_[41] 문서 Liakopoulos
_[42] 문서 Liakopoulos
_[43] 문서 Liakopoulos
_[44] 문서 Liakopoulos
_[45] 문서 Era Vranoussi, Deux documents byzantins inedits sur la presence des Albanais dans le Peloponnese au XVe siecle in The Medieval Albanians, NHRF, Institute for Byzantine Research, p. 294
_[46] 서적 Greek-Albanian Entanglements since the Nineteenth Century: A History https://books.google[...] Taylor & Francis 2023
_[47] 학술지 Arvanitika: The long Hellenic centuries of an Albanian variety https://www.degruyte[...] 1998
_[48] 학술지 Zur ethnographie des Peloponnes https://zs.thulb.uni[...] Justus Perthes (publishing company) 1890
_[49] 서적 Albanesische Studien
_[50] 서적 World directory of minorities https://books.google[...] Minority Rights Group International
_[51] 서적 Markusse Jan, Territoriality in national minority arrangements: European-wide legal standards and practices, in Gertjan Dijkink & Hans Knippenberg (eds.) The Territorial Factor, Vossiuspers UvA, Amsterdam, 2001, p. 260, table 12.1. https://books.google[...] google.gr 2017-03-06
_[52] 문서 Travellers in the 19th century were unanimous in identifying [[Plaka]] as a heavily "Albanian" quarter of Athens. [[John Hobhouse, 1st Baron Broughton|John Cam Hobhouse]], writing in 1810, quoted in John Freely, ''Strolling through Athens'', p. 247: "The number of houses in Athens is supposed to be between twelve and thirteen hundred; of which about four hundred are inhabited by the Turks, the remainder by the Greeks and Albanians, the latter of whom occupy above three hundred houses."
_[53] 문서 Jochalas, Titos P. (1971): Über die Einwanderung der Albaner in Griechenland: Eine zusammenfassene Betrachtung ["On the immigration of Albanians to Greece: A summary"]. München: Trofenik. pg. 89–106.
_[54] 문서 Misspelled as ''Arberichte'' in the ''Ethnologue'' report, and in some other sources based on that.
_[55] 문서 Babiniotis 1998
_[56] 웹사이트 GHM 1995 http://www.greekhels[...] greekhelsinki.gr 2017-03-06
_[57] 문서 Breu (1985: 424) and Tsitsipis (1983).
_[58] 문서 Botsi (2003), Athanassopoulou (2005).
_[59] 웹사이트 Arvanitic League of Greece http://www.arvasynel[...] arvasynel.gr 2017-03-06
_[60] 문서 Tsitsipis. ''Language change and language death''. 1981. pp. 100–101. "The term /evjeni̇́stika/ meaning "polite", used by the young speaker to refer to Greek, is offered as synonymous to /shkljiri̇́shtika/ one of the various morphological shapes of the Arvanitika word /shkljeri̇́shtë/ which refers to "the Greek language". Thus, Greek is equated with the more refined, soft, and polite talk. The concept of politeness is occasionally extended from the language to its speakers who are the representatives of the urban culture. In conversations in Kiriaki, I heard the word /shklji̇́ra/ (fem.) referring to a city women who exhibits polite and fancy behavior according to the local view. As I stated in the introduction to this dissertation, most of the occurrences of the term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ are not socially marked, and simply refer to the Greek language. But a few are so marked and these are the ones that reflect the speakers' attitudes. The term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is ambiguous. This ambiguity offers a valuable clue to the gradual shift in attitudes. It points to the more prestigious Greek language and culture, and also has a derogatory sense. In my data only the first meaning of the socially marked senses of the word occurs."; pp. 101–102. "The second meaning is offered by Kazazis in his description of the Arvanitika community of Sofikó, in the Peloponnese (1976:48):{{nbsp}}... two older people from Sofiko told me independently that, to the not-so-remote past, it was those who spoke Greek with their fellow-Arvanites who were ridiculed. Even today, if an older inhabitant of Sofiko were to speak predominantly in Greek with his fellow villagers of the same age, he would be called i shkljerishtúarë, literally "Hellenized" but used here as a derogatory term denoting affectation. One of those two informants, a woman, said that, until about 1950, it was a shame for a girl in Sofiko to speak Greek with her peers, for that was considered as "putting on airs." In Spata, /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is used only to refer to "the Greek language" although speakers are aware of the other meanings of the word."
_[61] 서적 Pipa, Arshi (1989). ''The politics of language in socialist Albania''. East European Monographs. p. 178. "North Albanian call Slavs shqé (sg. shqá
_[62] 서적 Hall, Jonathan M. ''Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity''. Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 29, {{ISBN|0-521-78999-0}}.
_[63] 서적 Manifold identities: studies on music and minorities https://books.google[...] Cambridge Scholars Press
_[64] 서적 From Geopolitics to Global Politics: A French Connection https://books.google[...] Psychology Press 2001
_[65] 학술논문 Heraclides, Alexis (2011). ''[http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/45693/1/GreeSE%20No51.pdf The essence of the Greek-Turkish rivalry: national narrative and identity]''. Academic Paper. The London School of Economics and Political Science. p. 15. "On the Greek side, a case in point is the atrocious onslaught of the Greeks and Hellenised Christian Albanians against the city of Tripolitza in October 1821, which is justified by the Greeks ever since as the almost natural and predictable outcome of more than '400 years of slavery and dudgeon'. All the other similar atrocious acts all over Peloponnese, where apparently the whole population of Muslims (Albanian and Turkish-speakers), well over twenty thousand vanished from the face of the earth within a spat of a few months in 1821 is unsaid and forgotten, a case of ethnic cleansing through sheer slaughter (St Clair 2008: 1–9, 41–46) as are the atrocities committed in Moldavia (were the "Greek Revolution" actually started in February 1821) by prince Ypsilantis."
_[66] 학술지 Andromedas, John N. (1976). "Maniot folk culture and the ethnic mosaic in the southeast Peloponnese". ''Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences''. '''268'''. (1): 200. "In 1821, then, the ethnic mosaic of the southeastern Peloponnese (the ancient Laconia and Cynouria) consisted of Christian Tsakonians and Albanians on the east, Christian Maniats and Barduniotes, and Moslem Albanian Barduniotes in the southwest, and an ordinary Greek Christian population running between them. In 1821, with a general Greek uprising impending, rumors of a "Russo-Frankish" naval bombardment caused the "Turkish" population of the southeastern Peloponnese to seek refuge in the fortresses of Monevasia, Mystra, and Tripolitza. Indeed, the Turkobarduniotes were so panic stricken that they stampeded the Moslems of Mystra along with them into headlong flight to Tripolitza. The origin of this rumor was the firing of a salute by a sea captain named Frangias in honor of a Maniat leader known as "the Russian Knight." Some Moslems in Bardunia, and elsewhere, remained as converts to Christianity. Thus almost overnight the whole of the southeastern Peloponnese was cleared of "Turks" of whatever linguistic affiliation. This situation was sealed by the ultimate success of the Greek War for Independence. The Christian Albanians, identifying with their Orthodox coreligionists and with the new nationstate, gradually gave up the Albanian language, in some instances deliberately deciding not to pass it on to their children."
_[67] 문서 Bintliff, John (2003). "[https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/8444/1_036_127.pdf?sequence=1. The Ethnoarchaeology of a "Passive" Ethnicity: The Arvanites of Central Greece]" in K.S. Brown & Yannis Hamilakis, (eds.). ''The Usable Past: Greek Metahistories.'' Lexington Books. p. 138. "The bishop was voicing the accepted modern position among those Greeks who are well aware of the persistence of indigenous Albanian-speakers in the provinces of their country: the "Albanians" are not like us at all, they are ex-Communists from outside the modern Greek state who come here for work from their backward country"
_[68] 학술논문 Hajdinjak Marko (2005). ''[http://pdc.ceu.hu/archive/00003870/01/Albanians_in_Greece.pdf Don't want to live with them, can't afford to live without them: Albanian labor migration in Greece] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150701000219/http://pdc.ceu.hu/archive/00003870/01/Albanians_in_Greece.pdf |date=1 July 2015 }}''. Academic paper. International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations (IMIR). pp. 8–9. "What is striking is that IMIR's team encountered exceptionally negative attitude towards the Albanians even among those Greeks, who are of Albanian origin. Arvanitis are ethnic group of Albanian descent. According to Greek historians, they were an Albanian speaking Christian population, which was hired by Venetians as sailors in the 14th century to fight against the Ottomans. Arvanitis have long since abandoned Albanian language for Greek and integrated fully into the Greek ethnos. Arvanitis respondents IMIR's team spoke with talked about Albanians with disgust, saying that "they have flooded Greece," that "they were not good people" and that they "steal, beat and kill." Some were afraid that Greeks might start to identify them, Arvanitis, with Albanians and their condemnable behavior, and as a result start to reject them. The one thing Arvanitis, who are devout Christians, cannot forgive Albanians, is their apparent lack of respect for religion. In order to facilitate their integration, a large number of immigrants from Albania has been changing their names with Greek ones and adopting Orthodox Christianity, but only nominally, as a façade."
_[69] 서적 Lawrence, Christopher (2007). ''Blood and oranges: Immigrant labor and European markets in rural Greece''. Berghahn Books. pp. 85–86. "I did collect evidence that in the early years of Albanian immigration, the late 1980s, immigrants were greeted with hospitality in the upper villages. This initial friendliness seems to have been based on villagers' feelings of solidarity with Albanians. Being both leftists and Arvanites, and speaking in fact a dialect of Albanian that was somewhat intelligible to the new migrants, many villagers had long felt a common bond with Albania."
_[70] 서적 Nitsiakos, Vassilis (2010). ''On the border: Transborder mobility, ethnic groups and boundaries along the Albanian-Greek frontier''. LIT Verlag. pp. 23–24. "Linguistic community and cultural intimacy have played and still play a role in the search of a place of settlement and line of work on the part of migrants, but, also, in their reception and incorporation by the communities of local Arvanites. I have had the opportunity to substantiate this fact through many interviews with Albanian migrants, whose report of their good reception by the populations of Arvanite villages tends to be uniform, especially around the area of Thebes during the first months of their ventures in Greece. The fact that the elderly, at least, speak Arvanite and can communicate with Albanians is of crucial importance. As to the question of cultural intimacy, the matter is more complex and demands special research and study. It was brought up at the Korçe conference by S. Mangliveras, who, with his paper on A1banian immigrants and Arvanite hosts: Identities and relationships" (Magliveras 2004; also Derhemi 2003), demonstrated its complexity and great significance for the understanding of the very concepts of ethnic and cultural identity. It is very interesting, indeed, to examine the way such bonds are activated in the context of migration, but, also, the way the subjects themselves confer meaning to it. After all, the very definition of such a bond is problematic, in the sense that it is essentially ethnic, since it concerns the common ethnic origins of the two groups, while now their members belong to different national wholes, being Greek or Albanian. The formation of modern, "pure" national identities and the ideology of nationalism generate a difficulty in the classification of this bond, as is the case with any kind of identification, which, on top of any other social and psychological consequences. It may have, may produce an identity crisis as well. The apparently contradictory attitude of the Arvanites, which Mangliveras discerns, has to do with their difficulty of dealing with this phenomenon in public. Public manifestation of ethnic and linguistic affinity with Albanian immigrants is definitely a problem for the Arvanites, which is why they behave differently in public and in private. For them, the transition from pre-modern ethnic to modern national identity involved, historically, their identification with the Greek nation, a fact that causes bewilderment whenever one wants to talk to them about the activation of ethnic bonds. From this perspective, too, the particular issue is provocative."
_[71] 서적 On the question of methods for studying ethnic minorities' music in the case of Greece's Arvanites and Alvanoi. https://books.google[...] Cambridge Scholars Press
_[72] 서적 Language change and language death
_[73] 서적 Language change and language death
_[74] 간행물 Pelasgic Encounters in the Greek–Albanian Borderland: Border Dynamics and Reversion to Ancient Past in Southern Albania. http://hal.archives-[...]
_[75] 서적 Albanian Identities: Myth and History
_[76] 학술지 Historical Greek-Albanian Relations: Some Mysteries and Riddles https://www.academia[...]
_[77] 서적 ΛΕΞΙΚΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΛΒΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΗΣ
_[78] 서적 Die Verben des Altalbanischen: Belegwörterbuch, Vorgeschichte und Etymologie https://books.google[...] Otto Harrassowitz
_[79] 서적 Memory and Nation Building: From Ancient Times to the Islamic State https://books.google[...] Rowman & Littlefield
_[80] 문서 See Biris (1960) and Kollias (1983).
_[81] 문서 Songs have been studied by Moraitis (2002), Dede (1978), and Gkikas (1978).
_[82] 서적 Dress and ethnicity: Change across space and time https://books.google[...] Berg Publishers
_[83] 서적 Ethnicity in Greek dress
_[84] 문서 Kollias (1983).
_[85] 문서 Απομνημονεύματα Μακρυγιάννη.
_[86] 서적 Οι Κριεζήδες του Εικοσιένα
_[87] 뉴스 Οι Αρβανίτες της Αττικής και η συμβολή τους στην εθνική παλιγγενεσία https://archive.toda[...] 2007-03-24
_[88] 문서 Bintliff (2003: 139).
_[89] 서적 Τα απομνημονευματά μου, 1897–1947: η ταραχώδης περιόδος της τελευταίας πεντηκονταετίας
_[90] 서적 Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity
_[91] 문서 Botsi (2003: 90); Lawrence (2007: 22; 156).
_[92] 문서 GHM (1995).
_[93] 학술지 Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece
_[94] 문서 Trudgill/Tzavaras (1977).
_[95] 문서 GHM (1995).